Tuesday, April 28, 2009

Interview with German MP Ruprecht Polenz

Middle East Online - Kourosh Ziabari: The idea is for a regional political approach to get Afghanistan's neighbours more strongly involved in this process than previously, something which is also in the interest of all neighbouring states, says Ruprecht Polenz.

 [An interview with Ruprecht Polenz by Kourosh Ziabari]

Although the level of bilateral ties between Iran and the EU members have undergone a sharp decline over the country's nuclear controversy, Germany is still among the top three trade partners of the Islamic Republic.

Traditionally, Germany has been a close EU ally of Iran which tended to preserve its political association and diplomatic conciliation with the country, even in the face of nuclear conflict, so as to safeguard its widespread financial interests all around the oil-rich Persian Gulf nation

According to the German Foreign Ministry, the entire value of goods imported from Iran in 2008 floated around €577.8 million which indicates a prominent €115 million rise in compare with 2005 when the hard-hitting anti-Iranian sanctions had not been passed yet.

However, the political atmosphere of bilateral relations saw a dramatic deterioration over the past 4 years and the only high-level meeting between the officials of two countries toke place when the Iranian FM Manouchehr Mottaki sat face-to-face with his Deutsch counterpart Frank Walter-Steinmeier in 2006 in Berlin.

In the recent weeks, however, a delegation of Iranian lawmakers and MPs went on a brief trip to Germany so as to hold talks with the Deutsch Bundesinnenminister (Interior Minister) Wolfgang Schaeuble and the influential Chairman of Foreign Affairs Committee of the German Parliament Ruprecht Polenz.

In an exclusive interview, Ruprecht Polenz talked to me on the prospect of Iran-Germany relations, the common grounds of cooperation and the main rifts which is holding the two partners apart from each other.

"During the course of the visit, we met the Iranian delegation on three occasions for very intensive discussions," told Polenz on the details of his March 5 meeting with Alaeddin Borujerdi, the Chairman for the Committee for Foreign Policy and National Security of the Iranian Parliament, "the discussions centered on the situation in Afghanistan and Pakistan, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the situation in the Middle East, the situation in Iraq, the Iran-US relations, the Iranian nuclear program and human-rights situation, in particular the imposition of death sentence for minors, and the situation of the Baha'is."

Polenz admits the existence of traditionally peaceful ties with Iran: "Germany has traditionally maintained good relations with Iran. In the EU 3 + 3 negotiations, though, we are not participating as mediators, but rather as part of the international community of states," he asserts, "which has made far-reaching proposals to Iran on cooperation and, in return, expects objective guarantees that the Iranian nuclear program will remain peaceful in the long term."

Nevertheless, Germany seems to share the same ideals and standards on Iran's nuclear issue that is a frequent demand for the suspension of uranium enrichment as a precondition to enter the multilateral ties.

Answering to the question that "whether the stance of Germany on Iran's nuclear issue is impartial enough while the ongoing Israel's nuclear expansions and ambitions are left unanswered", Polenz states: "Germany is one of those countries which decided against having nuclear weapons. We would like to see a strengthening of the non-proliferation regime," he concludes, "Germany therefore expects substantial progress on nuclear disarmament at the Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference next year."

He meanwhile reveals the very core of what the EU, G5+1 and US are looking for; preventing a new atomic power to emerge when there is no particular leverage to disarm the already developed arsenals: "at the same time, progress should be achieved in preventing proliferation of nuclear weapons amongst states which are not yet nuclear powers," he reiterates "and this might include, for example, strengthening the monitoring powers of the International Atomic Energy Agency, making it more difficult to withdraw from the Non-Proliferation Treaty and abandon the non-proliferation regime and, above all, the commitment to only carry out uranium enrichment in future in a multinational framework, subject to strict supervision by the International Atomic Energy Agency."

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